“Leve strategije za 21. stoletje”Objavljeno: 06/11/2014
V ponedeljek, 10. 11., bo v Ljubljani predavanje kanadskega marksista Lea Panitcha. Govoril bo, vsaj takšna je napoved, o strategijah političnega organiziranja na levici. Predavanje bo potekalo v organizaciji Inštituta za delavske študije (IDŠ). Dogodek nosi naslov: Leve strategije za 21. stoletje – kaj se lahko naučimo iz napak komunistov in socialne demokracije.
Vir fotografije TUKAJ.
“Anyway, so the one breakthrough has come in Greece. And that has very much to do with the fact that the Eurocommunists in Greece had already established a strong institutional base through the 1990s — certainly by 2004. That had very much to do with the dynamics of Greek politics; it can’t be generalized. Perhaps above all it had to do with the trajectory of PASOK, which got elected on a very radical program in the 1980s (as radical as Mitterand in 1981), under Andreas Papandreou. It had absorbed a good part of the Greek left. Some had been suspicious of it, but people in general were very happy in 1981. They weren’t quite the celebrations that they had at the Polytechnic when they brought down the dictatorship in 1974, but they were close.
What happened very quickly was that PASOK was absorbed into the clientelism of the Greek state. What one has to say about the Greek state is that it’s not a Weberian state. Very few of the states that came out of the Ottoman Empire look like a bureaucratic-rational state. So, for example, the Greek state does have a problem collecting taxes. Votes are bought through a clientelist system of a kind that certainly Canada and the United States have known, but not quite since the 19th century. It is terribly blatant in Greece. The logic is “I’ll give you and your family jobs if you ensure that we get the votes in this village.”
PASOK very quickly accommodated itself to that form of Greek state — very, very quickly. So you got a break, by the end of the 1980s, by Eurocommunists who were modernizing forces. The CP* was utterly Stalinist, and although it entered very pragmatically into a coalition government in 1991, it became more and more entrenched in its Stalinism, especially after the Gorbachev experiment failed. It’s very openly Stalinist, it’s quite staggering, really.
As a result there was a big institutional void, and that was eventually filled by the most impressive forces in Greece—by the coalition which became Syriza, which grew out of the largest party that had broken away from the Communists, which was SYNAPSISMOS**, together with various social movements.
It’s all very impressive. Take, for example, its economic program, a four hundred-page document written in consultation with the social movements, in 2008. It’s like the kind of program Greg Albo, Sam Gindin, and I wrote about in the last two chapters of In and Out of Crisis. Something like a transitional socialist program to be carried out by an elected government—including, perhaps most importantly, nationalizing the banks and then socializing them, by which you’re trying to say that they would no longer act as traditional banks.
So Greece is the one case where you saw that there was the requisite institutional capacity. They didn’t know how much institutional capacity they had, at the time, but it turned out to be a lot.”
Celoten intervju, ki ne govori samo o Grčiji in Sirizi, ampak tudi o zgodovini evropske levice in o tem, kako in kdaj je socialna demokracija skočila v naročje neoliberalizma, lahko preberete TUKAJ.
Eno temeljnih vprašanj politične levice je zagotovo, kako naj nastopa tukaj in zdaj ter v naslednjih letih in desetletjih (pri tem je treba spomniti, da levice še zdaleč ne predstavlja zgolj strankarska levica). Pogledov je precej. Enega od teh bomo lahko videli in slišali v ponedeljek. Na tem blogu pa boste na to temo zagotovo prebrali še kaj.
Opombe k citatu:
*CP = KKE
**Pravilno je Synaspismos.