Zakaj je potrebno grško desnico pozorno spremljati?

Anti-imigrantska, nacionalistična in anti-levičarska kampanja Antonisa Samarasa, liderja Nove demokracije, ni presenečenje, niti ni nekaj novega. Spomnimo se leta 2012, ko je Samaras grmel proti “tujcem”, ki da so krivi za vso zlo, ki se dogaja Grčiji, medtem ko so na ulicah delale red patrulje Zlate zore (Zlatozoraši so postali motnja šele, ko so postali premočni). Tisti z malo daljšim spominom veste, da je Zlata zora imela dokaj proste roke pri obračunavanju s političnimi nasprotniki in imigranti že veliko prej, ko je še bila povsem obskurna in komaj znana “nacionalsocialistična” organizacija. Siriza, na drugi strani, za Samarasa predstavlja gulage, pomanjkanje toaletnega papirja, dolge vrste pred trgovinami, rdečo nevarnost. Tako kot leta 2012. Evropa se, kot leta 2012, ukvarja z “nevarno” Sirizo, medtem ko je retorika “demokratičnega” Samarasa sploh ne skrbi. Ne skrbi je niti to, da bo v parlament, morda na tretje mesto (kar lahko pri sestavljanju vlade igra vidno vlogo!), ponovno prišla neonacistična Zlata zora.

Makis Voridis, nekdanji desničarski militant (na sliki v iskanju študentskih levičarskih nasprotnikov), član skrajno desnih strank (tudi stranke LAOS), minister za infrastrukturo v prejšnji in minister za zdravje v odhajajoči vladi, trenutno član Nove demokracije.

Makis Voridis, nekdanji desničarski militant (na sliki zgoraj v iskanju študentskih levičarskih nasprotnikov), član skrajno desnih strank (tudi stranke LAOS), minister za infrastrukturo v prejšnji in minister za zdravstvo v odhajajoči vladi, trenutno član Nove demokracije.

Foto: Indymedia.org.uk

Grška desnica je med seboj povezana bolj kot se to zdi na prvi pogled. Nacionalistična in konservativna stranka Neodvisni Grki (ANEL) in skrajno desna stranka LAOS sta otroka Nove demokracije. Tudi lovke Nove demokracije in Zlate zore so se marsikje prepletale (npr. primer Baltakos) in brez dvoma, kljub sojenju Zlati zori, ponekod to razmerje ni del zgodovine. Samaras je tako leta 2012 kot letos v volilni kampanji odpiral teme, ki še bolj radikalnim igralcem na desnici omogočajo, da plavajo kot ribe v vodi. Samarasov pomik na desno, ki je značilen tako za kampanjo leta 2012 kot letošnjo, pa je znak, da skuša Nova demokracija v svojo mrežo uloviti vsaj nekaj (izgubljenih) glasov s skrajne desnice (spomnimo se nedavnih pozivov Dore Bakojanis oz. Bakoyannis* volivcem Zlate zore). In tudi poziv “izgubljenim sinovom” (nekdanjim članom), ki so v preteklosti odšli v bolj skrajne vode. Nova demokracija s skrajno desnico tekmuje za glasove, a jo nujno potrebuje za odpiranje trših tem. Skrajna desnica po drugi strani potrebuje Novo demokracijo, da živi, plava. Ko in če skrajna desnica postane premočna, lahko pride do konflikta. Vsaj do zdaj je v teh prerivanjih zmagovala Nova demokracija, tudi tako, da je del skrajnosti posrkala in izbljuvala nazaj v svoj lonček. Povezanost in rivalstvo se, ko govorimo o grški desnici, nikakor ne izključujeta.

Kevin Ovenden je pred slabima dvema tednoma za Jacobin napisal kratek, a zanimiv članek o grški desnici. Med drugim je zapisal:

The reconfiguring of the Right in Greece is, in hothouse microcosm, part of a Europe-wide phenomenon. The singular pole of Christian Democracy is fragmenting, allowing a variety of right-wing forces — from anti-European chauvinist to outright fascist — to reemerge in their own party formations.

The National Front in France, dismissed as a short-lived Poujadist protest movement in 1983, is the largest iceberg to calve from the retreating glacier. The most successful ruling-class party in history — the British Tory Party — now faces serious defection to the UK Independence Party. Even Germany, beneficiary of the euro arrangement, has the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany above the 5 percent threshold for election to parliament.

The process is further advanced in Greece. The Independent Greeksbroke on a nationalist, but anti-memorandum basis. They are struggling to survive. The Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS) racist-nationalist party was first to take a chunk of New Democracy support. Its collapse led not to the restoration of the Right along quietist parliamentary corridors, but to its two-fold radicalization.

First, the open neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn filled the space. Secondly, LAOS defectors to New Democracy were given pride of place, despite their often fascist credentials.

There is an affinity between Makis Voridis — former LAOS now New Democracy MP — and Samaras. Voridis was a notorious fascist stormtrooper in his younger days. There’s a famous photograph circulating of him wielding an axe on his way to confront left-wing law students.

Samaras may not have personally wielded an axe. But his entire political line over the last five years has been to reach deep into the collective memory of the Right, dredging up every filthy anti-Communist smear and innuendo of the Civil War years.

The confection is spiced with the most virulent anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim racism. So a few days ago, Samaras began the election campaign in earnest by visiting the far-flung border between Greece and Turkey marked by the river Evros. It is here that border control has been handed willingly to European corporation Frontex, paid handsomely to keep migrants out. There is, in effect, a premium for every lifeless black or brown person who washes up on the banks of the river.

Samaras is making the crudest of anti-immigrant pitches, and we didn’t have to wait to see the consequence. On Friday — almost wholly ignored in the wake of the grim news from Paris — a gunman entered a hostel housing primarily migrant workers in Salonika, brandished a pistol, and threatened to open fire because he “was sick of paying taxes for you people.”

A social outcast, perhaps? A thug belonging associated with the fascists of Golden Dawn? No. Stelios Ioannides is a local functionary of Samaras’s New Democracy.

The Golden Dawn fascists do have “security battalions.” The police and army do have longstanding and familial links to the anti-democratic right. But you don’t have to look that far into the “deep state” to see the ugly face of right-wing paramilitary violence. It is in the offices of the outgoing governing party. 

Celoten članek lahko preberete na spletni strani Jacobin.

Ko pomislite na črne scenarije v Grčiji, ni nobene potrebe, da vam pred oči takoj priletijo mišičnjaki iz Zlate zore. Dovolj je, da se malo bolj sistematično in globlje lotite kar “desnosredinske” Nove demokracije. Naletite lahko na kup presenečenj. In črni scenariji se naenkrat ne zdijo več samo fantaziranje teoretikov zarot. Po 25. januarju bo potrebno grško (skrajno) desnico, še posebej, če se uresničijo napovedi o slavju levice, pozorno spremljati.

*Dora Bakojanis se je pred leti prav tako odcepila od Nove demokracije in ustanovila liberalno stranko Demokratično zavezništvo. Lani se je ta spet zlila nazaj z Novo demokracijo.

 

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