Zlata zora – spregledana zmagovalka

Glasovi za Zlato zoro na parlamentarnih volitvah od 2009 do 2015:

ZZ2009-2015

Vir: Ministrstvo za notranje zadeve

Zlata zora je na letošnjih volitvah postala tretja politična sila. Kljub temu, da je izgubila dobrega pol odstotka glasov napram volitvam leta 2012, je stopila na tretjo stopničko, kar ji na državnozborskih volitvah ni uspelo še nikoli. Zavihtela se je na tretje mesto, čeprav je imela manj medijskega prostora kot leta 2012, ko so vodilni člani Zlate zore v nekaterih medijih dobili skoraj zvezdniški status. Čeprav vodstvo stranke za zapahi čaka na sojenje in čeprav ali prav zato, ker je (nekdanji) predsednik vlade in “desnosredinske” Nove demokracije brez sramu ponovno pograbil (rasistično) retoriko ter ribaril po bazenu skrajne desnice. Prišla je tako visoko in obstala, ker je postala nekaj normalnega v političnem prostoru Grčije. Odkriti skrajni nacionalizem oz. prikriti, pa niti ne tako zelo prikriti neonacizem, je postal nekaj vsakdanjega na politični tržnici. Zlata zora je iz povsem marginalne neonacistične skupine v nekaj letih postala resna politična sila.

Vzpon Zlate zore nikakor ni slučaj. Zlata zora je imela dolgo časa proste roke pri obračunavanju z imigranti in levico. Njena, dopuščena, ulična politika je omogočala (zdaj že nekdanji) vladajoči ekonomsko-politični eliti, da je družbena vprašanja pomikala na skrajne robove. Njeni jurišniki so jurišali nad imigrante, sindikaliste, komuniste, skvoterje in anarhiste. Pogosto s povsem neprikritim sodelovanjem policije, kjer ima Zlata zora ogromno volivcev. Te akcije so koristile Zlati zori in koristile so nekdanji vladajoči eliti. Dokler ni počilo in je v ospredje stopilo vprašanje hegemonije (na desnici), kjer je, zaenkrat, kratko potegnila Zlata zora.

Dimitris Psarras vidi Zlato zoro kot “drugo zmagovalko” letošnjih volitev:

Of course, Golden Dawn’s performance in the European elections had already demonstrated that the prosecution of its leading members, accused  of participating in a criminal organization, did not put off much of its electoral pool. Though the Orders of Attack may have disappeared from the streets after September 2013 and though nocturnal attacks and racist crimes as recorded by the Network of Racist Violence Incident Recording may have suffered a drastic decline, Golden Dawn’s political influence has not faded into irrelevance over the past three years.

The reason for this is that while the prosecutors and justice authorities have, since 2013, laid the first foundations for confronting neo-Nazi criminality, no such confrontation with Golden Dawn has been mounted by political parties of the so-called “constitutional arc.” Instead, during the pre-election period the issue of Golden Dawn’s criminal networks disappeared completely from political debate; no one acknowledged the existence of this thorn in democracy’s tissue. It was as though people assumed that fascism and racism were bound to disappear automatically, as if through some miracle, at the moment of  the abolition of the austerity memoranda.

The total concealment of the Nazis’ actions, including by the Left, sent an implicit message of tolerance that placated the organization’s fears of suppression and revived hopes of future success among its fanatics, invigorated by the suspicion that that perhaps even the state justice system might “forget” its criminal actions.

The parties of the centre-left, Potami and PASOK, mirrored this dynamic by placing at the heart of their campaign strategy a claim that they could take third place in the election away from Golden Dawn. Involuntarily, with this repeated plea they helped to write the party onto the next page of Greek political history by placing it firmly in the centre of debate, while also falling indirectly into Golden Dawn’s “third position” trap of depicting itself as an alternative to the dominant polarities of Greek politics in an attempt to rehabilitate it.

But those who gave the final push of encouragement to Golden Dawn’s voters were based in the Syggrou headquarters of the main governing party, Nea Dimokratia; the Prime Minister himself and his infamously far-right partners Makis Voridis and Adonis Georgiades. With its references to civil war slogans and its attacks against “Marxists,” “communists,” and even “bandits,” Nea Dimokratia’s propaganda arsenal was the Nazi organization’s strongest ally. Research in political science has long since shown that wherever conservative European parties adopt elements of far-right rhetoric and policy during pre-election periods, the upshot is the strengthening of extreme far-right parties.

Golden Dawn made sure to put Nea Dimokratia’s election gift to good use, claiming for itself the role of the “true Right,” the only force capable of asserting itself as an heir to the Civil War nationalist tradition. Their leader Nikos Mihaloliakos proclaimed on January 5th this year in a message from jail: “only a powerful Golden Dawn can stop SYRIZA,” because only it “can fight the Marxist antinationalism of SYRIZA, not the liberal traitors of the centre-right.” Last Friday, Golden Dawn’s Elias Panagiotaros, not jailed but under judicial investigation, returned to the same argument: “Only Golden Dawn can save the country from the communists of SYRIZA.” And addressing the followers of the “patriotic right, the popular right, the E.R.E.,” the “traditional voters of N.D.,” he asked them not to give their vote to “these clowns of the dead-right.” His claim was that “the only ones who can truly stop the “communists” are us, of the Golden Dawn.”

As Nea Dimokratia inevitably falls into some degree of internal factionalising following its electoral failure, Golden Dawn, facing the upcoming trials of its leading members, will attempt to revive the unspoken lines of communication formerly existing between themselves and the far-right group around former Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, on the model of the underground collaboration between former cabinet secretary Panagiotis Baltakos and Golden Dawn MP Ilias Kasidiaris, but this time it will claim hegemony on the far-right for itself. This will be another challenge for the political future of the ex-Prime Minister, but also for the whole political system.

Vir: AnalyzeGreece!, prvotno objavljeno na efsyn.gr 

Po zmagi Sirize je za Zlato zoro nastopilo novo obdobje. Njena ulična politika bo ovirana bolj kot kadarkoli prej, hkrati pa je morda nastopilo bolj plodno obdobje kot kdajkoli v zgodovini te skrajno desne formacije. Zakaj? V vojni proti “komunistom”, kot je velikokrat slišati, ki so zdaj celo na oblasti, lahko Zlata zora igra pomembno in umazano vlogo. Antonis Samaras je v iskanju lastnih koristi pripravil teren, na katerem se Zlata zora prodaja kot edina prava alternativa levičarski Sirizi. Edina alternativa trenutnemu sistemu, ki pa to ni. Če bo Zlata zora preživela sojenje in to enotna, potem lahko postane nočna mora, ne samo grške, ampak evropske levice. Si predstavljate Zlato zoro kot zmagovalko prerivanja na desnici? Ne? Potem se iz zgodovine niste naučili nič. Ne o fašizmu in ne o kapitalizmu.

Intervju z Dimitrisom Psarrasom o sojenju Zlati zori lahko preberete TUKAJ.

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