Ljudska enotnost

Stathis Kouvelakis, eden vidnejših predstavnikov Ljudske enotnosti (Laiki Enotita, največkrat uporabljena kratica je LAE), v preteklosti tudi član Sirize, je v dveh tekstih, objavljenih na spletni strani Jacobin Magazine (eden od tekstov je intervju za francoski časopis L’Humanité, v angleščino ga je prevedel David Broder) povedal nekaj več o tem, kaj sploh je Ljudska enotnost. Ne gre za klasično stranko, pravi, ampak za skupno fronto več skupin, podobno kot je veljalo za Sirizo pred letom 2013.

Ljudska enotnost je zaživela z odhodom 25-ih poslancev Sirize (predvsem članov Leve platforme, leve frakcije znotraj Sirize, z Lafazanisom na čelu), ki se niso strinjali s Ciprasovim obratom v desno, povedano drugače, s popolno kapitulacijo, to je nadaljevanjem oz. celo poglabljanjem varčevalnih ukrepov ter ignoriranjem rezultata referenduma, na katerem je grško ljudstvo varčevalnim politikam reklo glasni OXI. A Ljudske enotnosti še zdaleč ne tvorijo samo odpadniki iz Sirize. Pridružil se ji je del radikalno leve koalicije Antarsya (ARAS in ARAN), pa tudi nekdanji prvi mož Sirize Alekos Alavanos (Plan B) itn.

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Grafična podoba Ljudske enotnosti (LAE, Laiki Enotita).

Vir: Ljudska enotnost

Kouvelakis:

It’s important to remember that Popular Unity is not a party, but a front jointly mobilizing a dozen component parts. Some of them came out of Syriza, others were part of Syriza in the past, and still others come from the far left, like currents from the Antarsya coalition.

Fundamentally, Popular Unity is quite close to what Syriza was until 2013, before its currents merged into a single party. This is a formula that we are sticking to: we are a political front based on pluralism, respecting each other’s differences, and placing a stress on self-organization.

Our goal is to ensure that the “no” vote expressed in the July 5 referendum, which was in the crushing majority among youth as well as among working-class and popular layers, is given political structure. We want to construct broad, open committees from below.

Of course, we are also expecting militants, individuals, and political figures to join us, too. You do not have to agree with all the points of our program, but the heart of the matter is the recognition that it is indispensable to break with the memorandums, and that this implies a confrontation with the European Union — even if there may be points of divergence as to the means that ought to be used in such a confrontation.

V drugem tekstu je sestavo Ljudske enotnosti orisal še podrobneje:

… manifesto of Popular Unity is signed by the fifteen organizations of the radical left that comprise this political front, which seeks a rupture with austerity and the eurozone.

Usually presented as a split from Syriza, Popular Unity actuallyincludes a more variegated blend of forces, from left social democrats and social movement activists to far-left currents. Some of these forces come from Syriza: the two components of the Left Platform (the Left Current, led by Panagiotis Lafazanis, and the Red Network around DEA/Workers Internationalist Left), which constitutes the backbone of the movement.

There’s also the Communist Tendency, which is affiliated with the International Marxist Tendency, and the Movement for the Radical Left, a network constituted by activists essentially working in the antiracist, pro-migrant, and LGBT movements previously part of the now-defunct tendency “53+”.

Other organizations come from Antarsya (The Left Recomposition/ARAN and the Left Anticapitalist Regroupment, the two historically Althusserian groups of the Greek far left) or from groups that have collaborated with Antarsya (Leftwing Intervention, Communist Renewal, and the Plan B, led by former Syriza president Alekos Alavanos).

Still more groups have roots in the KKE tradition (the Communist Group Reconstruction) or from layers of Pasok cadres who left the party either in the 1990s (the DIKKI-Socialist Left, a former component of Syriza) or in the last five years (Young Militant or the Left Socialists, a network of trade-union cadres controlling some important sectors of the labor movement).

Some prominent personalities and networks have also joined Popular Unity on a more independent basis, including Zoe Konstantopoulou, the outgoing president of parliament; Nadia Valavan, the former vice-minister of finance; and the network “the OXI lasts a long time,” which groups activists from a left Eurocommunist background around Eleni Portaliou.

What unites this diverse assemblage of groups, personalities, and tendencies is a commitment to replacing austerity with a progressive program of far-reaching social reform. “The alternative way forward that we are proposing,” Popular Unity insists, “will deprive Greece only of its chains.”

Celoten intervju za časopis L’Humanité preberite na spletni strani Jacobin Magazine. V njem Kouvelakis govori o programu Ljudske enotnosti, o odhodu iz evroobmočja in odnosu do EU ter o iskanju zaveznikov izven Evrope. Drugi tekst pa je pravzaprav prvi prevod manifesta/programa Ljudske enotnosti v katerega od tujih jezikov, tako Kouvelakis (za prevod v angleščino je zaslužen Wayne Hall).

In kako kaže Ljudski enotnosti? Eksplozija anket, ki jim sicer ne moremo slepo zaupati, kažejo novi formaciji na levici od štiri pa tja do deset odstotkov, pri čemer je večina rezultatov bližje štirim odstotkom. Realno težo Ljudske enotnosti je težko oceniti. Vstop v parlament pa vsekakor ni vprašljiv.

Nastanek Ljudske enotnosti je bila pričakovana in logična posledica dogajanj v Sirizi v zadnjih mesecih. Obrat, ki ga je izvedla Ciprasova ekipa, je za mnoge znotraj in zunaj stranke upravičeno nesprejemljiv. In kdor pozna zgodovino Sirize (levice v Grčiji in tudi levice nasploh), je njen razpad nikakor ni mogel presenetiti.

Je Ljudska enotnost “tisti pravi” odgovor? Hm, bojim se, da … Svarim pred (ponovnim) razočaranjem.

 

 

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