Demokratični konfederalizem

Kurdi v Siriji in Turčiji, vsaj lep del njih, so politično in ideološko zelo povezani, so del skupnega procesa. Brišejo meje, čeprav ne zahtevajo samostojnih držav. Socialna revolucija v Rojavi (sirski Kurdistan) in Bakurju (turški Kurdistan), ki ni samo kurdska (!), je medijsko slabo pokrita. In redki mediji jo razumejo. Le tu in tam lahko na primer beremo o demokratičnem konfederalizmu, pa čeprav je ta ključen za razumevanje zahtev po (radikalni) avtonomiji itn.

Kurdish demonstrators are silhouetted by a Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) flag during a protest against Turkish action on the Turkey-Iraq border against the PKK, in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia, Monday, Nov. 12, 2007. (AP Photo/Petros Karadjias)

Foto: USI

Öcalanova doktrina demokratičnega konfederalizma se močno naslanja na ideje Murraya Bookchina, utemeljitelja socialne ekologije in libertarnega municipalizma. PKK in vse z njo povezane (politične) iniciative in gibanja, sirski Kurdi so del tega, so s tem naredile ideološki obrat. PKK se je iz marksistično-leninistične narodnoosvobodilne sile, ki je zahtevala neodvisni (socialistični) Kurdistan, prelevila v libertarno socialistično politično formacijo, ki za cilj nima več vzpostavitve neodvisne države, ampak oblikovanje svobodnih (avtonomnih) skupnosti. Transformacija se je začela po tem, ko so turške oblasti ujele in zaprle Abdullaha Öcalana. Wes Enzinna zapiše:

Ocalan was remanded to Imrali prison, on an island off the coast of Istanbul. This is when his conversion began — what one academic would describe as a transition from ‘‘Stalinist caterpillar to libertarian butterfly.’’ He was the island’s only prisoner, surrounded by 1,000 soldiers there to ensure he could not escape before his execution (a death sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment). The government allowed him to meet with his lawyers to communicate to his followers the details of a cease-fire. He was also permitted books, finding inspiration in Western texts like Michel Foucault’s ‘‘Society Must Be Defended’’ and Benedict Anderson’s ‘‘Imagined Communities.’’ Soon, one of his supporters gave Ocalan his first book by an obscure Vermont-based philosopher named Murray Bookchin. After Ocalan read it, he requested everything Bookchin had ever written. Oliver Kontny, a translator and P.K.K. sympathizer who was working for Ocalan’s lawyers at the time, told me that Ocalan let ‘‘all of us know that he was working on a paradigm change based on what he learned from Bookchin.’’

Rafael Taylor:

… The PKK/KCK appear to be following Bookchin’s social ecology to the book, with almost everything up to and including their contradictory participation in the state apparatus through elections, just as prescribed in the literature.

As Joost Jongerden and Ahmed Akkaya write, “Bookchin’s work differentiates between two ideas of politics, the Hellenic model and the Roman,” that is, direct and representative democracy. Bookchin sees his form of neo-anarchism as a practical revival of the ancient Athenian revolution. The “Athens model exists as a counter- and under-ground current, finding expression in the Paris Commune of 1871, the councils (soviets) in the spring-time of the revolution in Russia in 1917, and the Spanish Revolution in 1936.”

For Öcalan, democratic confederalism means a “democratic, ecological, gender-liberated society,” or simply “democracy without the state.” He explicitly contrasts “capitalist modernity” with “democratic modernity,” wherein the formers’ “three basic elements: capitalism, the nation-state, and industrialism” are replaced with a “democratic nation, communal economy, and ecological industry.” This entails “three projects: one for the democratic republic, one for democratic-confederalism and one for democratic autonomy.”

Ali kot o demokratičnem konfederalizmu zapiše sam Öcalan:

This kind of rule or administration can be called a non-state political administration or a democracy without a state. Democratic decision-making processes must not be confused with the processes known from public administration. States only administrate while democracies govern. States are founded on power; democracies are based on collective consensus. Office in the state is determined by decree, even though it may be in part legitimized by elections. Democracies use direct elections. The state uses coercion as a legitimate means. Democracies rest on voluntary participation.

Democratic confederalism is open towards other political groups and factions. It is flexible, multi-cultural, anti-monopolistic, and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism are central pillars. In the frame of this kind of self-administration an alternative economy will become necessary, which increases the resources of the society instead of exploiting them and thus does justice to the manifold needs of the society.

Öcalan je napisal knjižico Demokratični konfederalizem (pdf), ki je prosto dostopna na svetovnem spletu. Tako jo lahko prav vsak naloži na svoj pametni telefon, tablico ali računalnik in v nekaj deset minutah veliko bolje razume zahteve levo usmerjenega kurdskega gibanja v Turčiji, Siriji, pa tudi v Iranu in vedno bolj tudi v severnem Iraku, kjer sicer vlada do tega procesa precej sovražna kurdska oblast. Za tiste, ki pa za podrobnejše seznanjanje z “doktrino” nimajo časa, pa je tukaj pet načel demokratičnega konfederalizma:

  1. The right of self-determination of the peoples includes the right to a state of their own. However, the foundation of a state does not increase the freedom of a people. The system of the United Nations that is based on nation-states has remained inefficient. Meanwhile, nation-states have become serious obstacles for any social development. Democratic confederalism is the contrasting paradigm of the oppressed people.
  2. Democratic confederalism is a non-state social paradigm. It is not controlled by a state. At the same time, democratic confederalism is the cultural organizational blueprint of a democratic nation.
  3. Democratic confederalism is based on grass-roots participation. Its decision-making processes lie with the communities. Higher levels only serve the coordination and implementation of the will of the communities that send their delegates to the general assemblies. For limited space of time they are both mouthpiece and executive institutions. However, the basic power of decision rests with the local grass-roots institutions.
  4. In the Middle East, democracy cannot be imposed by the capitalist system and its imperial powers which only damage 34 democracy. The propagation of grass-roots democracy is elementary. It is the only approach that can cope with diverse ethnical groups, religions, and class differences. It also goes together well with the traditional confederate structure of the society.
  5. Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan is an anti-nationalist movement as well. It aims at realizing the right of self-defence of the peoples by the advancement of democracy in all parts of Kurdistan without questioning the existing political borders. Its goal is not the foundation of a Kurdish nationstate. The movement intends to establish federal structures in Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq that are open for all Kurds and at the same time form an umbrella confederation for all four parts of Kurdistan.

Še beseda ali dve o stranki HDP, ki je postala pomembna igralka v turški politiki. HDP in PKK sta dve entiteti, a sta povezani. Ne drži, da Apo* ali Kandil** dajeta ukaze stranki HDP in ne drži, da med HDP in PKK ni nobenih povezav. Vežejo ju ljudje in ideje.

Revolucija, ki se odvija v Kurdistanu (v Siriji in Turčiji) ima veliko sovražnikov. Seveda ima tudi prijatelje, predvsem pa kar nekaj “prijateljev”.

____

*Apo je vzdevek Öcalana.

**Gorovje v Iraku, kjer trenutno domuje poveljstvo PKK.

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