5 bistvenih točk kolumbijskega mirovnega sporazuma in spomini na bolečo preteklost

Kolumbijski predsednik Juan Manuel Santos in prvo ime levičarskih Revolucionarnih oboroženih sil Kolumbije (FARC-EP) Timoleón Jiménez – Timoschenko sta v Cartageni podpisala 297 strani dolg mirovni sporazum, ki ga lahko strnemo v pet točk: agrarna reforma, politična participacija, konec vojne oz. razorožitev, rešitev problema trgovine z drogami, amnestija/zadoščenje za žrtve.

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Tako sta mirovni sporazum podpisala kolumbijski predsednik Juan Manuel Santos in prvo ime Revolucionarnih oboroženih sil Kolumbije Timoleón Jiménez – Timoschenko (foto: FARC-EP).

Agrarna reforma

FARC-a ne moremo misliti brez ruralnega sveta in (revnih) kmetov. Ali kot v enem od intervjujev pravi José Antonio Gutiérrez D., v središču njihovega (političnega) programa je vedno bila agrarna reforma. Kolumbija, dodaja, ima 48 milijonov prebivalcev, 3000 veleposestnikov poseduje 53% zemlje in ti so proti kmetom pogosto uporabljali zgolj in samo nasilje. Hkrati je potrebno biti seveda kritičen tudi do številnih potez vodstva FARC-a, ko je to dojemalo kmete zgolj kot figure v veliki partiji. Kakorkoli, temeljita in celostna agrarna reforma je ena od bistvenih točk mirovnega sporazuma in zahtev FARC-a:

In order to advance towards a better usage of the land and to improve the living conditions of rural communities, the agreement contemplates a fund of lands of 3 million hectares to be adequately distributed to landless small and medium agricultural producers and the formalization of 7 million more, totaling 10 million hectares.

As well, road infrastructure, technical training, schools, health care centers, technical assistance, subsidies, water pipelines, sewage, electricity and internet are to be provided for these communities by the State.

This agreement will contribute to the structural transformation of the country side, closing the gaps between rural and urban areas and creating welfare conditions and good living for the rural population. The Comprehensive Rural Reform should integrate the regions, helping to eradicate poverty, promote equality and ensure full enjoyment of citizenship rights.

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Politična stranka, mir, gverila (foto: FARC-EP).

Politična participacija

Mirovni sporazum predvideva, da se FARC prelevi v legalno politično stranko (in/ali gibanje), ki bo sodelovala na volitvah. Seveda so še vedno živi spomini na pretekle poskuse, ko so se propadla mirovna pogajanja končala s “političnim genocidom”. V osemdesetih letih, v času mirovnih pogovorov, je FARC lansiral politično stranko Union Patriotica (FARC je bil ustanovljen kot vojaško krilo Komunistične partije Kolumbije), ki je kmalu začela krvaveti in je naposled tudi izkrvavela. Predvsem na račun nasilja (narko in desničarskih) paravojaških formacij in dela kolumbijskega varnostnega aparata, pa tudi zaradi neiskrenosti vodstva FARC-a. Konservativne in liberalne elite niso trpele nikakršne alternative, še zlasti pa ne leve. Pravkar podpisani mirovni sporazum zato predvideva:

The agreement contemplates the reform of the Electoral System and the creation of a Statute for the Political Opposition, both of which will make big contributions to the broadening of democracy and the exercise of politics of all marginalized political sectors of the country, not only the FARC-EP.

In order to balance the entering of the FARC-EP into legal political life and at the light of the genocide suffered against the UP, the new political party or movement that the FARC-EP ought to conform will have 5 reserved seats in Congress and 5 in the Chamber of Representatives for the next two electoral periods starting from 2018, in the mean time, 3 seats will be added to Congress and 3 to the Chamber of Representatives with voice but without vote to participate in discussions regarding agreement implementation.

The new political party or movement into which the FARC-EP will transform into will receive State funding for the next 10 years.

A Special Circumscription for Peace will be created, in which 16 representatives will have their seat at the Chamber of Representatives from the most affected regions of Colombia and that don´t belong to the FARC-EP or any existing political party.

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Gverilke (foto: FARC-EP).

Končanje konflikta in razorožitev

Ta točka je seveda močno povezana s prejšnjo oz. z izkušnjami iz preteklosti in predvideva postopno razorožitev preostalih gverilcev, ki se bo izvajala na vnaprej določenih ruralnih območjih po Kolumbiji:

Once the Final Agreement is integrated to the legal and constitutional system of Colombia, the troops of the FARC-EP will start to mobilize towards 20 different Transitory Areas of Normalization and 7 Transitory Points of Normalization, which are rural settlements across the country in which all troops will concentrate. The local communities will still be entitled to all their rights and their political forms of organization and order will also be respected.

At these Transitory Areas of Normalization the process of Decommissioning of Weapons will take place in a timeframe of up to 6 months, in the first phase, by day 90 the FARC-EP will hand over 30% of its arsenal to the Monitoring and Verification Mechanism, in the second phase, by day 120 the next 30% and on the third phase by day 150 or 180 by most the resting 40%.

This process will be supervised by a Monitoring and Verification Mechanism, composed of FARC-EP members, Government officials and the UN-mission to Colombia.

All the security, social and political guarantees for FARC-EP members are established in this agreement and its related protocols. The fight against paramilitary groups or those denominated as their successors is also a key element.

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Vir: FARC-EP

Trgovina z drogami

Vse strani v kolumbijskem konfliktu so si tako ali drugače “umazale” roke s trgovino z drogami. Eni so proizvajali in prodajali, drugi pobirali davke, tretji mižali na eno ali obe očesi. Ne gre pa pozabiti, da so prav narko karteli odigrali izjemno krvavo vlogo pri številnih masakrih nad resničnimi in domnevnimi gverilci.

Drug trade has without a doubt profoundly affected Colombia. The approach to this problem has been that of criminalization of the peasants who grow illicit crops while those on top of the chain enjoy impunity, have set their own paramilitary groups and enormous influence in politics.

In order to resolve this problem, a voluntary substitution of illicitly used crops program will be established in which peasants are given the economic subsidies and infrastructure guarantees for them to be able to move on to other agricultural forms of subsistence. This agreement has much to do with the Comprehensive Rural Reform agreement since it’s about providing a set of economic, social and infrastructure guarantees for the land to be properly used and developed.

Communities will have participation in new public policies regarding these transformations that directly have to do with rural economies.

Political corruption, money laundering, trafficking, consumption and the fight to dismantle drug cartels are also important points in this agreement to which commitments are made and joint efforts will be developed in order to provide living alternatives to rural communities.

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Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (foto: FARC-EP).

 Žrtve

Mirovni sporazum po besedah FARC-a predvideva:

A Special Jurisdiction for Peace is established, in which a Peace Court conformed of 20 national judges and 4 foreign judges will sanction on the cases referred to it. This Court will have the faculties to investigate and sanction on all parties of the conflict. These judges will be chosen by a Commission conformed for that specific purpose, this Commission will be established by experts named by: The Secretary General of the United Nations, the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court, the delegation in Colombia of the International Center of Transitional Justice (ICTJ) and the Standing Committee of the State University System.

There will be amnesty and pardon for all political crimes and the related offences, including within the latter all those designed to finance the armed struggle. For crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by either party in war, justice will be applied by a special court, which will be sanctioned according to the degree of truth that the accused contribute to the process.

If the court sanctions that there was a committed crime and that the defendant declared with complete truth -which also means an important form of reparation towards the victims and who also have the right to intervene in the process- sanctions of an alternative nature, other than deprivation of liberty, will be applied. If it sanctions that truth was declared, but not upfront, rather down in the process, the sentence is five to eight years in prison, and if it sanctions that no truth was declared, the penalty is up to twenty years in prison.

***

Vojna je trajala celih 52 let, a kolumbijski konflikt s tem še ni končan. Najprej morajo mirovni sporazum na referendumu, ki bo 2. oktobra letos, odobriti volivci in volivke. Zagovornikom zaenkrat kaže dobro, saj ga podpira velika večina Kolumbijcev, vendar mu nasprotuje pomemben del (visoke) politike: bivši predsednik Uribe in “uribisti”. Alvara Uribeja se bomo spomnili kot veščega eksekutorja ameriškega Plana Kolumbija in tistega, ki ni imel težav z demobilizacijo in pomilostitvijo pripadnikov desničarskih paravojaških enot.

Največjo grožnjo mirovnemu procesu med vlado in FARC-om zagotovo spet predstavljajo neposlušni generali in paravojaške formacije. Čeprav je pod predsedovanjem Uribeja prišlo do demobilizacije paravojaških Združenih samoobrambnih sil Kolumbije (AUC), pa je ta vsekolumbijska paravojaška koalicija hitro dobila naslednice. Te naslednice imajo svoje botre z zemljo, denarjem in vplivom, čemur se ti, botri torej, niso pripravljeni kar tako odpovedati.

Mirovni sporazum tudi ne pomeni konec levičarske gverile. Drži, da je FARC največja in najpomembnejša gverilska organizacija, a nikakor ni edina. Vlada, ta ali naslednja, bo morala podoben sporazum doseči še vsaj z Narodnoosvobodilno vojsko (ELN). Še prej pa prenehati tlačiti domorodno, kmečko in urbano revno prebivalstvo, kar pa je, če pomislimo na sedanje in prihajajoče kolumbijske politične elite, le pobožna želja.

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One Comment on “5 bistvenih točk kolumbijskega mirovnega sporazuma in spomini na bolečo preteklost”

  1. […] dobrega pol leta sem pisal o mirovnem procesu v Kolumbiji – vmes je mirovni sporazum padel na referendumu, a ga je kasneje, dodelanega, ratificiral […]


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